Sociology Development
by
Andrew Schrank
  • LAST MODIFIED: 27 July 2011
  • DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0011

Introduction

Development occupies an ambiguous position in contemporary sociology. It is simultaneously a cause (or correlate) of phenomena that are of general sociological interest (e.g., urbanization, stratification, democratization), an outcome to be explained by way of sociological analysis, and a contested concept that is defined, interpreted, and operationalized in different ways by different people. The sociology of development is therefore an expansive subfield with porous boundaries. Sociologists who study development frequently identify with other subfields (e.g., political sociology, economic sociology, demography); sociologists who associate with other subfields frequently brush up against the sociology of development in the course of their research; and sociologists who invoke development—as either cause or consequence—frequently take it to mean different things. Nevertheless, the subfield’s lineage is as distinguished as its boundaries are porous, for development loomed large in the classical tradition and played a central part in the theories of Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Émile Durkheim—not to mention their offspring. For instance, the “modernization” theories that dominated the postwar era drew their primary inspiration from Weber and Durkheim. They posited a more or less universal, albeit uneven, process of development animated not only by endogenous evolutionary processes but also by the diffusion of Western technologies and values to non-Western environments over time. While Marx agreed that the growth of capitalism would eventually draw “even the most barbarian” of nations into the modern world, and therefore anticipated the modernization perspective by almost a century, his descendants portrayed capitalism as less aid than obstacle to late development, and therefore abandoned orthodox Marxism for neo-Marxist perspectives (e.g., “dependency” and “world systems” theories) that posited an antagonistic, rather than symbiotic, relationship between the developed and developing worlds in the late 1960s and 1970s. Only by embracing socialism, they argued, could the developing world overcome the legacy of colonialism and usher in an era of prosperity and generalized well-being. By the late 1980s, however, neo-Marxist pessimism had run aground on the shoals of the East Asian “miracle,” and sociologists had begun to embrace middle-range alternatives that focused on specific states, firms, sectors, and communities.

Textbooks

The following textbooks provide basic introductions to the different sociological perspectives on development. Harrison 1988 and So 1990 provide solid, if by now somewhat dated, introductions to the modernization, dependency, and world-systems approaches. Sklair 2002 and especially McMichael 2004 offer more contemporary visions that take account of the empirical and theoretical landscape of the field since around 1990.

  • Harrison, David. 1988. The sociology of modernization and development. New York: Unwin Hyman.

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    A summary and assessment of key debates within and between the modernization and “underdevelopment” (or neo-Marxist) perspectives in the mid- to late 20th century.

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    • McMichael, Philip. 2004. Development and social change: A global perspective. 3d ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge.

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      Incorporates a discussion of rival development theories into a historical analysis of the demise of a “development project” that allowed poor countries to pursue state-sponsored national development and the rise of a “globalization project” that demands their incorporation into a liberal international trade and investment regime.

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      • Sklair, Leslie. 2002. Globalization: Capitalism and its alternatives. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.

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        Reviews existing approaches to globalization and development in the course of calling for an alternative focused on the “transnational practices” that are pursued by transnational corporations, classes, and media elites, among others.

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        • So, Alvin. 1990. Social change and development: Modernization, dependency, and world-system theories. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

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          A thorough overview of the modernization, dependency, and world-systems perspectives that concludes by adducing their continued relevance in the late 20th century.

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          Edited Volumes

          The following volumes include key readings from the sociology of development. Roberts and Hite 2007 incorporates works from a wide range of traditions and time periods; in contrast, Appelbaum and Robinson 2005 limits the collection to “critical” contributions and emphasizes the world-systems tradition in particular.

          • Appelbaum, Richard, and William Robinson. 2005. Critical globalization studies. New York: Routledge.

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            Includes “critical” contemporary scholarship with a particular focus on world-systems analysis.

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            • Roberts, J. Timmons, and Amy Bellone Hite. 2007. Globalization and development reader: Perspectives on development and global change. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

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              Expansive both theoretically and temporally; includes classical sociological approaches, modernization, dependency, and world-systems perspectives, and more contemporary “middle-range” explorations.

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              Data Sources

              Quantitative data on development issues are widely available and readily divided into two categories: public opinion data and national-level statistics.

              Public Opinion Data

              Sources of public opinion data include the various regional “barometers” (e.g., Afrobarometer, Asian Barometer, Eurobarometer, Latinobarometro), as well as the surveys carried out and made public by the Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University and the World Values Survey. They tend to occur annually or semiannually and to include standard (repeated) questions as well as ad hoc modules designed to tap public opinion on a variety of salient issues (e.g., crime, public services, corruption).

              National-Level Statistics

              Sources of national-level statistics include international organizations like the World Bank and the United Nations (and UN specialized agencies), as well as individuals like the late Angus Maddison (Maddison data on population, product, and per capita income), who reconstructed estimates of demographic and economic activity in the distant past. They tend to incorporate national-level data on social and economic variables. For instance, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) provides data on trade, foreign investment, and financial flows. United Nations Educational, Social, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) offers data on education, science, and technology. The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Social Indicators presents socio-demographic data (e.g., fertility, mortality, education, residence patterns). The United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Indicators (UNDP) publishes a Human Development Index designed to capture variation in human capabilities over space and time. And the World Bank publishes both the World Development Indicators, which cover hundreds of social and economic variables on dozens of countries, and a Database of Political Institutions, which focuses more narrowly on political institutions and outcomes.

              Journals

              A number of interdisciplinary journals are open to articles that assume a sociological posture toward development issues. Some focus primarily on economics but publish the occasional sociological analysis (e.g., Economic Development and Cultural Change, World Development, and increasingly the Journal of Development Studies. Others are more persistently open to sociological approaches (e.g., Development and Change, Studies in Comparative International Development, Third World Quarterly).

              Classic Works

              The founding fathers of sociology, Marx, Weber, and Durkheim, were very much concerned with the question of development, both in Europe and overseas. Durkheim 1973, Marx 1994, and Weber 1999 include many of their key contributions. These are not necessarily the best introductions to Marx, Weber, and Durkheim overall; however, they include important works on development that are often left out of collections that are otherwise more comprehensive. Connell 1997 suggests that the influence of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim is of relatively recent vintage and that their predecessors were, if anything, more interested in development (and what today would be labeled “developing countries”) than they were.

              • Connell, R. W. 1997. Why is classical theory classical? American Journal of Sociology 102.6: 1511–1557.

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                Connell maintains that questions of development and empire were central to late- 19th- and early-20th-century sociology and, if anything, have become less so over time.

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                • Durkheim, Émile. 1973. On morality and society: Selected writings. Edited by Robert Bellah. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

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                  Includes extracts from some of Durkheim’s key works on development, especially The Division of Labor in Society.

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                  • Marx, Karl. 1994. Selected writings. Edited by Lawrence Simon. Indianapolis: Hackett.

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                    Includes selections from some of Marx’s key writings on development, for example, the “Communist Manifesto,” the “Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy,” and selections from Capital, including the preface to the US edition.

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                    • Weber, Max. 1999. Essays in economic sociology. Edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.

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                      Includes abbreviated versions of many of Weber’s key writings on development, for example, his treatments of markets, firms, bureaucracies, Protestantism, capitalism, and the distinct types of legitimate domination.

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                      Modernization Theory

                      Modernization theory dominated the sociology of development in the 1950s and 1960s. It posited an inevitable, albeit sequential, transition from “traditional” to “modern” society. While the former was presumably rural, stratified on the basis of ascribed or particularistic criteria, and hostile toward individualism, education, and the division of labor, the latter was ostensibly urban, stratified on the basis of achievement or universal criteria, and predisposed toward individualism, education, and the division of labor. The transition from the former to the latter was allegedly animated not only by endogenous evolutionary processes but also by the diffusion of Western values and technology from western Europe and North America to the “new nations” of the East and South.

                      Classical

                      Talcott Parsons is widely recognized as the founder of modernization theory. Parsons 1960 portrays “modern” values (e.g., achievement, universalism) and institutions (e.g., markets, bureaucracy) as prerequisites for industrial development, and “traditional” values (e.g., ascription, particularism) and institutions (e.g., aristocratic rule) as impediments to it; he pays particularly careful attention to the institutional differences between the early and late developers, and he explores the prospects for the successful imitation of the former by the latter. Parsons 1964 endeavors to go beyond the comparative static portrait of traditional and modern societies implied by his earlier typology by introducing a dynamic, evolutionary account of social change focused less on imitation than on evolution. Parsons writes in a dense style that can often be rough going. Others provide more user-friendly introductions to—and applications of—his ideas. For instance, Levy 1965 provides a straightforward introduction to modernization theory. Bellah 1957 brings the theory to bear on the empirical case of Japan, portraying Japanese religion as a source of values that are, like Protestantism in the West, conducive to modernization. Lerner 1958 and Schnaiberg 1970 deploy survey data in efforts to identify “modern” personality types in the Middle East. Kahl 1968 pursues a similar strategy in Latin America. Inkeles and Smith 1974 does so for countries in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America.

                      • Bellah, Robert. 1957. Tokugawa religion: The values of pre-industrial Japan. New York: Free Press.

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                        Portrays the religious values of Tokugawa Japan as functional substitutes for the “Protestant Ethic” invoked by Weber in his account of the rise of capitalism in Europe; they influence the timing and character of Japanese modernization by fostering asceticism, loyalty, patriotism, and goal orientation. Reprinted, New York: Beacon, 1970.

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                        • Inkeles, Alex, and David Smith. 1974. Becoming modern: Individual change in six developing countries. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press.

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                          Inkeles and Smith collect survey data from six countries (Argentina, Chile, Bangladesh, India, Israel, and Nigeria); they examine the correlates of “modern” attitudes and practices in their respondents; and they conclude that education, factory labor, and mass media exposure are particularly salient.

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                          • Kahl, Joseph. 1968. The measurement of modernism: A study of values in Brazil and Mexico. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press.

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                            Kahl surveyed male workers in Brazil and Mexico; he developed a scale of “modern” values; he found that they are more likely to derive from the socioeconomic status than from the national or regional location of the respondent; and he concluded that they have follow-on effects on attitudes toward education, occupation, family size, and the like.

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                            • Lerner, Daniel. 1958. The passing of traditional society: Modernizing the Middle East. New York: Free Press.

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                              Lerner analyzes survey data collected in six Middle Eastern countries; he portrays the development of “mobile” personalities marked by rationality and empathy as a defining feature of modernity; and he concludes that urbanization, literacy, and mass communications are gradually undercutting traditional values, fostering mobility, and ushering in an era of political and economic modernization.

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                              • Levy, Marion J., Jr. 1965. Patterns (structures) of modernization and political development. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 358:29–40.

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                                A concise statement of orthodox modernization theory; Levy addresses the family, bureaucracy, markets, and the costs and benefits of late development.

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                                • Parsons, Talcott. 1960. Social structure and economic development. In Structure and process in modern societies. By Talcott Parsons, 98–169. New York: Free Press.

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                                  Provides an accessible introduction to the Parsonian version of modernization theory.

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                                  • Parsons, Talcott. 1964. Evolutionary universals in society. American Sociological Review 29.3: 339–357.

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                                    Parsons holds that certain structures and processes (e.g., stratification, cultural legitimation, democracy, bureaucracy, money and markets, the rule of law) are so important to the ongoing evolution of society that they are likely to be rediscovered by different communities at different times and places.

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                                    • Schnaiberg, Allan. 1970. Measuring modernism: Theoretical and empirical explorations. American Journal of Sociology 76.3: 399–425.

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                                      Schnaiberg explores the attitudes and practices of Turkish women with the help of survey data collected in Ankara province; he finds that modernity is a multidimensional concept; and he concludes that a dimension that emancipates women from family and community control is a product of urbanization and education.

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                                      Critics

                                      By the late 1960s, modernization theory was coming under attack. Critics charged that it was both ahistorical and ideological—a thinly veiled effort to justify Western cultural and economic imperialism. Gusfield 1967 calls the historical and theoretical bases of modernization theory into question. Bendix 1967 restores international competition and imitation to positions of centrality in the story. Armer and Schnaiberg 1972 and Portes 1973 deploy survey data in an effort to discredit several of modernization theory’s key assumptions. Portes 1976 develops a more thoroughgoing critique and lays out an agenda for a more sophisticated approach to the sociology of developing societies going forward.

                                      • Armer, Michael, and Allan Schnaiberg. 1972. Measuring individual modernity: A near myth. American Sociological Review 37.1: 301–316.

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                                        Armer and Schnaiberg apply several well-known scales of “modernity” to a sample of respondents in Chicago, find their validity wanting, and thereby call the results of much of the quantitative literature on modernization into question.

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                                        • Bendix, Reinhard. 1967. Tradition and modernity reconsidered. Comparative Studies in Society and History 9.3: 292–346.

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                                          Acknowledges the ahistorical and ideological nature of modernization theory; tries to combat both by recognizing a diversity of starting points, destinations, and transition paths; and pays particularly careful attention to the effects of intersocietal competition, imitation, and learning.

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                                          • Gusfield, Joseph. 1967. Tradition and modernity: Misplaced polarities in the study of social change. American Journal of Sociology 72.4: 351–362.

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                                            Gusfield holds that “traditional” and “modern” attitudes, practices, and societies are neither as coherent nor as antagonistic to each other as the modernization theorists seem to believe; he portrays modernization theory itself as more ideological than scientific; and he calls for an alternative approach that is more sensitive to history, context, and the possibility of hybridity.

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                                            • Portes, Alejandro. 1973. The factorial structure of modernity: Empirical replications and a critique. American Journal of Sociology 79.1: 15–44.

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                                              Portes deploys survey data from Guatemala; he identifies a complex of “modern” attitudes and practices akin to those described by Lerner and Inkeles and Smith; he notes that they are almost exclusively available to middle- and upper-class Guatemalans who are hostile to social change; and he therefore calls their beneficial developmental consequences into question.

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                                              • Portes, Alejandro. 1976. On the sociology of national development: Theories and issues. American Journal of Sociology 82.1: 55–85.

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                                                A tour de force review of the development literature, published when modernization theory was at long last giving way to neo-Marxism. Portes assesses Durkheimian, Weberian, and Marxist approaches to development; he finds each guilty, albeit in varying degrees, of Eurocentrism, determinism, and insensitivity to historical context; and he calls for middle-range alternatives that take history, culture, and context more seriously.

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                                                Dependency and World Systems Analysis

                                                Neo-Marxist approaches to development—including the dependency and world-systems perspectives—inverted the logic of their predecessors. While the modernization theorists portrayed underdevelopment as the historical point of departure, development as the inevitable destination, and Western values and technology as the means of transition, neo-Marxists described the point of departure as a myth and the destination as a chimera, for—contra modernization theory—the poor countries did not start out underdeveloped and are unlikely to be developed by the growth and spread of capitalism. On the contrary, they were actively underdeveloped by the imperial powers through both direct plunder and the “unequal exchange” of primary products (and/or labor-intensive manufactured goods) for capital-intensive manufactures or services, and their further incorporation into the capitalist world economy is therefore likely to aggravate rather than ameliorate their condition.

                                                Classical Dependency Theory

                                                Proponents of dependency theory draw a distinction between core (metropolitan) and peripheral (satellite) countries and posit a direct relationship between growth in the former and stagnation in the latter. Andre Gunder Frank (Frank 1970) developed several of the key tenets of dependency theory in a series of essays originally written in the 1960s: first, that underdevelopment is not the natural state of affairs in the “satellite” (i.e., poor or peripheral) countries but is instead a product of their plunder and exploitation by the “metropolitan” (i.e., imperial or core) powers; second, that the degree of underdevelopment today is a direct function of the degree of metropolitan penetration in the past; third, that the poor countries have reaped their greatest developmental gains when their ties to the metropole have been interrupted by war or crisis; and, finally, that further gains demand revolutionary breaks with capitalism and the metropole. Mahoney 2003 demonstrated that the degree of underdevelopment in postcolonial Latin America was in fact associated with the nature of penetration during the colonial era. Chase-Dunn 1975 and Bornschier, et al. 1978 identified an inverse relationship between dependence on foreign aid and investment and economic growth in the periphery of the world economy more generally. O’Hearn 1989 identified a similar relationship using time-series data from Ireland. Firebaugh 1992 found fault with the literature on investment dependence and underdevelopment and concluded that growth is actually a positive function of foreign investment in better-specified models. Kentor and Boswell 2003 responded by looking at the relationship between investment concentration and growth and concluding that the latter is an inverse function of the former. Ragin and Bradshaw 1992 turned its attention to the relationship between trade (rather than investment) dependence and the physical quality of life (rather than growth) and concluded that the latter was an inverse function of the former. Barrett and Whyte 1982 used the exceptional case of Taiwan to debunk the more pessimistic claims of the dependency theorists.

                                                • Barrett, Richard, and Martin Whyte. 1982. Dependency theory and Taiwan: Analysis of a deviant case. American Journal of Sociology 87.5: 1064–1089.

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                                                  Barrett and Whyte assess the origins and theoretical implications of Taiwan’s rapid and equitable growth.

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                                                  • Bornschier, Volker, Christopher Chase-Dunn, and Richard Rubinson. 1978. Cross-national evidence of the effects of foreign investment and aid on economic growth and inequality: A survey of findings and a reanalysis. American Journal of Sociology 84:651–683.

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                                                    Bornschier and colleagues review the quantitative evidence on the relationship between foreign aid and investment dependence and growth and inequality; they develop an original test of their own; and they conclude that inflows of foreign aid and investment increase growth in the short run, but that aid and investment stocks undercut growth (and aggravate inequality) over the long run.

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                                                    • Chase-Dunn, Christopher. 1975. The effects of international economic dependence on development and inequality: A cross-national study. American Sociological Review 40.6: 720–738.

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                                                      Chase-Dunn puts dependency theory to the test by regressing indicators of national development on indicators of debt and foreign investment dependence and finds that the former is indeed an inverse function of the latter over time.

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                                                      • Firebaugh, Glenn. 1992. Growth effects of foreign and domestic investment. American Journal of Sociology 98.1: 105–130.

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                                                        Firebaugh reviews myriad studies of the ostensibly inverse relationship of foreign investment dependence and growth; he takes their authors to task for misinterpreting a denominator effect as a dependency effect; and he concludes that a proper interpretation suggests that foreign investment spurs rather than inhibits growth. See also the subsequent debate between Firebaugh and Terry Boswell and William Dixon in the American Journal of Sociology 102.2 (1996).

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                                                        • Frank, André Gunder. 1970. Latin America: Underdevelopment or revolution; Essays on the development of underdevelopment and the immediate enemy. New York: Monthly Review.

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                                                          Includes several of Frank’s classic essays on dependency. Chapter 2, “Sociology of Development and Underdevelopment of Sociology,” develops a stinging critique of several strains of modernization theory, calling into question their empirical validity, theoretical adequacy, and policy effectiveness.

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                                                          • Kentor, Jeffrey, and Terry Boswell. 2003. Foreign capital dependence and development: A new direction. American Sociological Review 68.2: 301–313.

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                                                            Kentor and Boswell posit an inverse relationship between investment concentration—rather than foreign investment dependence per se—and economic growth; they develop a new indicator of the proportion of a host country’s stock of foreign investment coming from the largest investing country; and they find support for their hypothesis in panel regression models.

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                                                            • Mahoney, James. 2003. Long-run development and the legacy of colonialism in Spanish America. American Journal of Sociology 109.1: 50–106.

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                                                              Mahoney’s “fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis” provides an empirical test and confirmation of Frank’s approach to dependency theory in Latin America.

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                                                              • O’Hearn, Denis. 1989. The Irish case of dependency: An exception to the exceptions? American Sociological Review 54.4: 578–596.

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                                                                O’Hearn examines the relationship between foreign investment dependence and growth in a single late-developing country with the aid of time series analysis and finds support for dependency hypotheses. See also the subsequent debate with Richard Barrett and Yooshik Gong, American Sociological Review 55.4 (1990).

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                                                                • Ragin, Charles, and York Bradshaw. 1992. International economic dependence and human misery, 1938–1980: A global perspective. Sociological Perspectives 25.2: 217–247.

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                                                                  Ragin and Bradshaw regress multiple indicators of physical quality of life on multiple indicators of trade dependence and find that the former is an inverse product of the latter.

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                                                                  World-Systems Analysis

                                                                  Immanuel Wallerstein’s account (Wallerstein 1974, Wallerstein 1979) of the origins of the modern world inspired a refinement of dependency theory that came to be known as “world-systems analysis.” While Wallerstein and his followers accept many of the chief tenets of the dependency approach, including the tension between growth in the core and growth in the periphery, they pay more explicit attention to the nature of the precapitalist world economy (i.e., world empires), the stratification of the capitalist world economy (i.e., by distinguishing the semiperiphery from the core and the periphery), and the possibility and correlates of upward and downward mobility within the latter. Skocpol 1977 finds Wallerstein’s framework wanting on theoretical and historical grounds. But Bollen 1983, Arrighi and Drangel 1986, Korzeniwicz and Awbrey 1992, and Mahutga 2006 bring the concepts of core, periphery, and semiperiphery to bear in their empirical analyses of political and economic outcomes and find substantial support for his claims. Finally, Arrighi 1994 brings finance back into world-systems analysis, and in so doing offers a prescient analysis of boom and bust cycles in the capitalist world economy.

                                                                  • Arrighi, Giovanni. 1994. The long twentieth century: Money, power, and the origins of our times. London: Verso.

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                                                                    An effort to give finance a more prominent role in world-systems theory by identifying distinct cycles of capital accumulation with distinct imperial or hegemonic powers (Venice, the Netherlands, England, and the United States), organizational technologies (e.g., trading companies, multinational corporations), and instances of financial boom and bust.

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                                                                    • Arrighi, Giovanni, and Jessica Drangel. 1986. The stratification of the world economy: An exploration of the semi-peripheral zone. Review 10.1: 9–74.

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                                                                      Arrighi and Drangel purport to establish the validity of Wallerstein’s trimodal portrayal of the world system (i.e., core, periphery, and semiperiphery) by documenting the trimodal nature of world income distribution.

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                                                                      • Bollen, Kenneth. 1983. World system position, dependency, and democracy: The cross-national evidence. American Sociological Review 48.4: 468–479.

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                                                                        Bollen finds a pronounced relationship between world system position (or development) and the prospects for democracy in a cross-national dataset.

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                                                                        • Korzeniewicz, Roberto Patricio, and Kimberley Awbrey. 1992. Democratic transitions and the semiperiphery of the world-economy. Sociological Forum 7.4: 609–640.

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                                                                          Korzeniewicz and Awbrey trace late-20th-century democratic transitions to the semiperipheral zone of the world system and speculate on their social origins.

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                                                                          • Mahutga, Matthew. 2006. The persistence of structural inequality? A network analysis of international trade, 1965–2000. Social Forces 84.4: 1863–1889.

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                                                                            Mahutga assesses the relationship between globalization and international inequality with network analytic techniques and concludes that a few peripheral countries have parlayed industrialization and trade into upward mobility, but that the overall structure of the international hierarchy remains stable.

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                                                                            • Skocpol, Theda. 1977. Review: Wallerstein’s world capitalist system: A theoretical and historical critique. American Journal of Sociology 82.5: 1075–1090.

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                                                                              Skocpol accuses Wallerstein of reducing social and economic structures to market opportunities, and political structures to dominant class interests, in a manner that’s neither historically accurate nor convincing. Her critique builds upon the important work of historian Robert Brenner as well as her own approach to state autonomy.

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                                                                              • Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1974. The modern world-system: Capitalist agriculture and the origins of the European world-economy in the sixteenth century. New York: Academic Press.

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                                                                                Wallerstein applies the world-systems perspective to the rise of the modern world-system in the “long 16th century.”

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                                                                                • Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1979. The capitalist world-economy: Essays. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.

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                                                                                  A collection of essays that lay the theoretical foundation of world-systems analysis.

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                                                                                  International Inequality

                                                                                  Neo-Marxists and their critics tend to part company over the origins and nature of international inequality. While neo-Marxists tend to believe that inequality has been amplified by globalization, their critics tend to view globalization as an equalizing force. The debate has reached its apogee in the ongoing exchange between Roberto Patricio Korzeniewicz and Timothy Moran (Korzeniewicz and Moran 1997, Korzeniewicz and Moran 2009), on the one hand, and Glenn Firebaugh (Firebaugh 1999, Firebaugh 2003), on the other.

                                                                                  • Firebaugh, Glenn. 1999. Empirics of world income inequality. American Journal of Sociology 104.6: 1597–1630.

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                                                                                    Firebaugh discusses the measurement of international income inequality; he concludes that population-weighted data adjusted to take account of differences in purchasing power are superior to unweighted or unadjusted (i.e., foreign exchange rate–based) data; and he finds that between-nation inequality has (1) been driven primarily by differential population growth rates in rich and poor countries and (2) leveled off in recent years. See also the subsequent debate between Korzeniewicz and Moran and Firebaugh in the American Journal of Sociology 106.1 (2000).

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                                                                                    • Firebaugh, Glenn. 2003. The new geography of global income inequality. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press.

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                                                                                      Firebaugh examines the international distribution of income in light of changes in the location of productive activity and concludes that between-nation inequality is shrinking, within-nation inequality is growing, the former process trumps the latter in magnitude, and the international distribution of income is therefore growing more equal overall.

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                                                                                      • Korzeniewicz, Roberto Patricio, and Timothy Patrick Moran. 1997. World-economic trends in the distribution of income, 1965–1992. American Journal of Sociology 102.4: 1000–1039.

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                                                                                        Korzenieiwcz and Moran decompose international income inequality into between- and within-country components; they find that the former trumps the latter in magnitude, grows markedly over time, and is not simply a product of differential population growth rates; and they conclude that upward and downward mobility in the international distribution of income are limited in scope and frequency.

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                                                                                        • Korzeniewicz, Roberto Patricio, and Timothy Patrick Moran. 2009. Unveiling inequality: A world-historical perspective. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

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                                                                                          Korzeniewicz and Moran use a number of different data sources to evaluate the international distribution of income. They find that within-country distributions are relatively stable; they draw a distinction between low inequality (e.g., western European and northeast Asian) and high inequality (e.g., Africa, Latin America) equilibria; they conclude that one’s place of birth is the primary determinant of one’s life chances in the world today; and they discuss the three principal paths to social mobility—within-country mobility, national economic growth, and migration.

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                                                                                          Internal Colonialism

                                                                                          The theory of internal colonialism applies the logic of dependency theory and unequal exchange to relations between “core” and “peripheral” regions within, rather than between, nation-states. While functionalist and modernization theories anticipate the cultural integration of national societies over time, and therefore posit the growth of class rather than ethnic, racial, or regional conflict, internal colonialism posits the persistence of ethnic, racial, and/or regional stratification, and therefore anticipates more complicated patterns of intergroup conflict. González Casanova 1969 brings the internal colonialism thesis to bear on Mexican history. Hechter 1975 uses it to explain the relative underdevelopment of the Celtic fringe in the British Isles. Cohn 1979 reevaluates Hechter’s thesis and finds it wanting.

                                                                                          • Cohn, Samuel. 1979. Michael Hechter’s theory of regional underdevelopment: A test using Victorian railways. American Sociological Review 44.4: 619–635.

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                                                                                            Cohn assesses Hechter’s account of the undercapitalization of the Celtic fringe by examining the correlates of railroad density in the Victorian era and finds little support for the theory of internal colonialism.

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                                                                                            • González Casanova, Pablo. 1969. Internal colonialism and national development. In Latin American radicalism: A documentary report on left and nationalist movements. Edited by Irving Horowitz, Josué de Castro, and John Gerassi, 118–140. New York: Vintage.

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                                                                                              González Casanova identifies and illustrates a number of different patterns of internal colonialism with reference to data on indigenous communities in Mexico.

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                                                                                              • Hechter, Michael. 1975. Internal colonialism: The Celtic fringe in British national development. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

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                                                                                                Hechter uses 19th- and 20th-century demographic, economic, and electoral data to compare modernizationist and internal colonial interpretations of the position of the “Celtic fringe” in British society and finds support for the latter view. Industrialization has not eliminated, and in many ways has intensified, regional inequalities and identities that map onto ethnic and religious differences.

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                                                                                                Dependent Development

                                                                                                By the late 1960s the intensification of peripheral industrialization had given the lie to orthodox dependency theory, without vindicating the more optimistic predictions of the modernizationists. Latin American sociologists and their North American interlocutors endeavored to reconcile the anomalies thereby created by introducing the concept of “dependent development” to describe industrial development that is fueled by a “triple alliance” of foreign, domestic, and state capital and is therefore able to erode—but not transcend—the constraints imposed by the international division of labor. The concept of dependent development rapidly gained influence in Africa and Asia as well as Latin America.

                                                                                                Latin America

                                                                                                The theory of dependent development originated in Latin America. The canonical reference is Cardoso and Faletto 1979, and Cardoso 1973 and Cardoso 1989 provide a more thoroughgoing application to the Brazilian case in the authoritarian and transitional eras. Other works explored the process of dependent development in different countries and/or sectors. For instance, Stinchcombe 1974 studied the steel industry in Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela. Evans 1979 examined a range of industrial sectors within Brazil (e.g., textiles, pharmaceuticals), and Gereffi 1983 studied pharmaceuticals in Mexico in particular. Schrank 2008 used Cardoso and Faletto’s distinction between “enclave” and “nationally controlled” export sectors to account for the variable performance of export-processing zones in the Dominican Republic.

                                                                                                • Cardoso, Fernando Henrique. 1973. Associated-dependent development: Theoretical and practical implications. In Authoritarian Brazil: Origins, policies, and future. Edited by Alfred Stepan, 142–178. New Haven, CT: Yale Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                  A particularly concise introduction to the concept of dependent development with particular reference to the period (and origins) of military rule in Brazil.

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                                                                                                  • Cardoso, Fernando Henrique. 1989. Associated-dependent development and democratic theory. In Democratizing Brazil: Problems of transition and consolidation. Edited by Alfred Stepan, 299–326. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                    Cardoso reconsiders the affinities between associated-dependent development and authoritarian rule in light of Brazil’s abertura (“opening”) and concludes that they are subject to countervailing pressures that grow out of dependent industrialization itself.

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                                                                                                    • Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, and Enzo Faletto. 1979. Dependency and development in Latin America. Translated by Marjory Mattingly Urquidi. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

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                                                                                                      English translation of the seminal account of dependent development; Cardoso and Faletto identify distinct “situations of dependency” in the 20th century and trace their origins and reproduction to the legacies of 19th-century patterns of export specialization.

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                                                                                                      • Evans, Peter. 1979. Dependent development: The alliance of multinational, state, and local capital in Brazil. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                        Perhaps the most influential case study of dependent development in a single country: Evans introduces the “triple alliance” of foreign, state, and local capital; he identifies the distinct interests and capacities of each partner and discusses their implications for growth, distribution, and politics in authoritarian Brazil.

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                                                                                                        • Gereffi, Gary. 1983. The pharmaceutical industry and dependency in the Third World. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                          Gereffi begins with a best-case scenario of a number of Mexican firms that developed, manufactured, and/or exported steroid hormone products (made from the roots of the local barbasco plant) in the mid-20th century; he documents their displacement by foreign firms in the 1950s and 1960s and discusses the ambivalent consequences for Mexican development.

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                                                                                                          • Schrank, Andrew. 2008. Export processing zones in the Dominican Republic: Schools or stopgaps? World Development 36.8: 1381–1397.

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                                                                                                            Schrank explores the lessons imparted by foreign investors in the Dominican Republic’s export processing zones; he finds that they are most readily absorbed in regions that were under national control during the primary-product export era and least readily absorbed in traditional export enclaves; this underscores the continued importance of the master variable identified by Cardoso and Faletto in their classic work on dependent development (Cardoso and Faletto 1979).

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                                                                                                            • Stinchcombe, Arthur. 1974. Creating efficient industrial administrations. New York: Academic Press.

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                                                                                                              Stinchcombe’s comparative study is not framed in the language of dependent development but nonetheless deserves inclusion in the field by virtue of his focus on administrative and productivity differentials across three Latin American steel mills in the halcyon era of state-led industrialization.

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                                                                                                              Beyond Latin America

                                                                                                              By the 1980s the theory of dependent development had gained purchase beyond Latin America. Bradshaw 1988 and Bradshaw, et al. 1993 used the concept to make sense of industrialization in Kenya and Korea. Gold 1988 analyzed the Taiwanese case in a manner that owed much to Cardoso and Faletto 1979 and Evans 1979 (cited under Latin America).

                                                                                                              • Bradshaw, York. 1988. Reassessing economic dependency and uneven development: The Kenyan experience. American Sociological Review 53.5: 693–708.

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                                                                                                                Bradshaw assesses the correlates of industrialization and growth in Kenya and concludes that the country is undergoing a transition from classical dependence to dependent development, fueled in large part by foreign capital.

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                                                                                                                • Bradshaw, York, Young-Jeong Kim, and Bruce London. 1993. Transnational economic linkages, the state, and dependent development in South Korea, 1966–1988: A time-series analysis. Social Forces 72.2: 315–345.

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                                                                                                                  Bradshaw and colleagues assess the correlates of industrialization and growth in South Korea and conclude that the Korean pattern of “dependent development” involves less investment dependence and more trade dependence than the Latin American pattern.

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                                                                                                                  • Gold, Thomas. 1988. Entrepreneurs, multinationals, and the state. In Contending approaches to the political economy of Taiwan. Edited by Edwin Winckler and Susan Greenhalgh, 175–209. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe.

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                                                                                                                    Gold evaluates the process of dependent development in Taiwan and finds that the impact of foreign control was mitigated by a particularly powerful and committed state.

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                                                                                                                    The Developmental State

                                                                                                                    A growing body of literature attributes differences in development outcomes to differences in the character and capacity of the peripheral state. While “developmental states” have the will and ability to rebuff distributive pressures in the short run, and are therefore associated with improved living standards over the long run, their patrimonial, predatory, or porous counterparts are devoid of autonomy, capacity, and/or commitment, and are therefore inclined to subordinate the overarching national interest in development to the immediate demands of their supplicants.

                                                                                                                    Prelude

                                                                                                                    Several important works anticipate the conceptualization of the developmental state per se. For instance, Gerschenkron 1962 documented the advantages of backwardness in Eastern Europe and their exploitation by authoritarian states. Trimberger 1978 discussed the origins and consequences of “revolutions from above” designed to jump-start development in Japan, Egypt, and Peru. Evans, et al. 1985, Bringing the state back in, included a number of studies of activist states.

                                                                                                                    • Evans, Peter, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol. 1985. Bringing the state back in. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                      Essays by Amsden on Taiwan, Stepan on the Southern Cone of Latin America, and Evans on transnational linkages more broadly are particularly powerful applications of state-centered analysis.

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                                                                                                                      • Gerschenkron, Alexander. 1962. Economic backwardness in historical perspective: A book of essays. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                        Gerschenkron set the stage for the theory of the developmental state by portraying the degree of government intervention as a product of the timing of industrialization. While private investors could mobilize the necessary capital on their own at the dawn of the Industrial Revolution in England, they would need the support of development banks and public officials in late developers like Russia.

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                                                                                                                        • Trimberger, Ellen Kay. 1978. Revolution from above: Military bureaucrats and development in Japan, Turkey, Egypt, and Peru. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

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                                                                                                                          Trimberger portrays authoritarian efforts to foster industrial development as “revolutions from above”; she holds that they are prone to occur when military and/or civilian officials who are devoid of material interests in the old order (e.g., landholdings) are tempted to confront international pressures by assuming political power; and she concludes that they are likely to prove more common than successful in the future.

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                                                                                                                          Classical Model

                                                                                                                          Johnson 1982 juxtaposed Japan’s “developmental state” to the “regulatory states” found in the developed market economies of the West in this classic study of the Japanese Ministry of Industry and Commerce. Johnson’s followers would use the concept to explain late development elsewhere. For instance, Kim 1993 portrayed Park’s Korea as a developmental state. Evans 1995 juxtaposed Korea’s developmental state with “intermediate” states in Brazil and India and the “predatory” state in Zaire. Lie 1998 concluded that the developmental state provided a necessary but not sufficient foundation for Korean development. Evans and Rauch 1999 purported to demonstrate that a key aspect of the developmental state, a meritocratic bureaucracy, is associated with economic growth in a medium-sized sample of late developing countries. Finally, Davis 2004 traced the origins of the developmental state to the breadth of the middle class in a comparison of Korea, Taiwan, Argentina, and Mexico.

                                                                                                                          • Davis, Diane. 2004. Discipline and development: Middle classes and prosperity in East Asia and Latin America. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                            Davis holds that successful developmental states are embedded in middle-class coalitions, and in rural middle classes in particular.

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                                                                                                                            • Evans, Peter. 1995. Embedded autonomy: States and industrial transformation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                              Evans places states on a theoretical continuum from “developmental” to “predatory”; he discusses their potential contributions to high technology industrial policies in particular; he finds that Korean industrial policymakers have been more successful than their Brazilian and Indian counterparts; he traces their achievements to the fact that they are autonomous but not insulated from societal interests; and he concludes that developmental states are characterized by a seemingly contradictory combination of “embedded autonomy.”

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                                                                                                                              • Evans, Peter, and James Rauch. 1999. Bureaucracy and growth: A cross-national analysis of the effects of “Weberian” state structures on economic growth. American Sociological Review 64.5: 748–765.

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                                                                                                                                Evans and Rauch assess the relationship between bureaucratic structure and economic growth in a sample of thirty-five developing countries by regressing growth rates on an index of “Weberianness” of their own construction and a series of control variables and find a robust, positive association.

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                                                                                                                                • Johnson, Chalmers. 1982. MITI and the Japanese miracle: The growth of industrial policy, 1925–1975. Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                                  Johnson, a political scientist, juxtaposes the “developmental state” found in Japan to the “regulatory states” more common in the Europe and North America and in so doing not only provides a compelling account of Japan’s industrial development but also introduces a concept that was almost immediately incorporated into the sociological literature as well.

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                                                                                                                                  • Kim, Eun-Mee. 1993. Contradictions and limits of a developmental state: With illustrations from the South Korean case. Social Problems 40.2: 228–249.

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                                                                                                                                    Kim holds that developmental states are undermined by their own success; by contributing to the growth of powerful private sectors and labor movements, they create threats to their own autonomy.

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                                                                                                                                    • Lie, John. 1998. Han unbound: The political economy of South Korea. Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                                      Lie portrays a developmental state forged by a military coup, against the backdrop of a land reform that had already broken the back of the rural gentry, as a necessary, if not sufficient, condition of Korean development, and pays particularly careful attention not only to the benefits but also to the costs of military rule.

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                                                                                                                                      Development with Adjectives

                                                                                                                                      A number of sociologists have identified variants on the developmental state. For instance, Itzigsohn 2000 contrasts Costa Rica’s “developmental protective” state with the Dominican Republic’s “predatory repressive” alternative. Heller 1999 portrays the Indian state of Kerala as a “democratic developmental state.” Chibber 2003 portrays India as a “failed developmental state overall.” And Ó Riain 2004 portrays Ireland as a “developmental network state.”

                                                                                                                                      • Chibber, Vivek. 2003. Locked in place: State building and late industrialization in India. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                                        Chibber explores the social underpinnings of the “failed developmental state” in India.

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                                                                                                                                        • Heller, Patrick. 1999. Labor of development: Workers and the transformation of capitalism in Kerala, India. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                                          Heller illuminates the origins and impact of the “democratic developmental state” in Kerala, India.

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                                                                                                                                          • Itzigsohn, José. 2000. Developing poverty: The state, labor market deregulation, and the informal economy in Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                                            Itzigsohn contrasts the beneficial consequences of labor regulations administered by a “developmental-protective” state in Costa Rica with the deleterious consequences of their administration by a “predatory-repressive” regime in the Dominican Republic.

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                                                                                                                                            • Ó Riain, Seán. 2004. The politics of high tech growth. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press.

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                                                                                                                                              Ó Riain holds that “developmental network states” (DNS) are simultaneously less centralized and more likely to be embedded in communities of skilled professionals than their “bureaucratic” predecessors; he holds that they are better able to meet the needs of high technology activities that demand flexibility, creativity, and innovation; and he illustrates the argument by documenting the role of the DNS in fostering the growth of the Irish software industry in particular.

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                                                                                                                                              The Market Transition in the Post-Communist World

                                                                                                                                              The so-called market transitions of the late 20th century brought eastern Europe and China back into the world capitalist system and animated a growing body of sociological research on the prospects and foundations of development in the post-Communist world. A number of sociologists posited the arrival of hybrid, new, and/or dynamic varieties of capitalism in the transitional countries of Europe and Asia. For instance, Nee 1992 finds traces of the broader Asian developmental model in China; Stark 1996 anticipates the emergence of a distinctly post-Communist variety of capitalism in Hungary. Others called the empirical grounds for optimism into question, however, and anticipated the emergence of dependent development or worse. Thus, Hanley, et al. 2002 and King and Sznajder 2006 bemoan the growth of dependent development in eastern Europe and hold that the region’s best prospects lie in the construction of developmental states capable of navigating the rocky shoals between plan and market.

                                                                                                                                              • Hanley, Eric, Lawrence King, and István János Tóth. 2002. The state, international agencies, and property transformation in postcommunist Hungary. American Journal of Sociology 108.1: 129–167.

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                                                                                                                                                Hanley and colleagues call the novelty of eastern European capitalism into question and interpret Hungary’s transition, in particular, through the lens of tools developed in Latin America (i.e., dependent development) and East Asia (i.e., the developmental state).

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                                                                                                                                                • King, Lawrence, and Aleksandra Sznajder. 2006. The state-led transition to liberal capitalism: Neoliberal, organizational, world-systems, and social structural explanations of Poland’s economic success. American Journal of Sociology 112.3: 751–801.

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                                                                                                                                                  King and Sznajder trace Poland’s relative post-Communist success to the presence of a developmental state that actively steered the economy’s transition from plan to market.

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                                                                                                                                                  • Nee, Victor. 1992. Organizational dynamics of market transition: Hybrid forms, property rights, and mixed economy in China. Administrative Science Quarterly 37.1: 1–27.

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                                                                                                                                                    Nee traces the growth of “hybrid” corporate forms to the partial nature of China’s market transition; he documents their competitive advantages over state-owned enterprises in an the context of incomplete property rights and appropriation problems; he anticipates a protracted and path-dependent transition to a market economy; and he concludes that China’s development model bears a “family resemblance” to the model forged by the developmental states of northeast Asia.

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                                                                                                                                                    • Stark, David. 1996. Recombinant property in East European capitalism. American Journal of Sociology 101.4: 993–1027.

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                                                                                                                                                      Classic article holds that postsocialist societies “are rebuilding organizations and institution not on the ruins but with the ruins of communism,” and that the variety of capitalism thereby engendered “will differ as much from West European capitalisms as do contemporary East Asian variants.”

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                                                                                                                                                      Global Value Chains

                                                                                                                                                      The global value (or commodity) chain approach to development employs the metaphor of a chain to describe the process of producing a good or service, notes that differential returns accrue to actors at different links (or nodes) in the chain, traces the differential returns in part to barriers to entry, and concludes that actors and regions that occupy the most lucrative links with the highest barriers to entry are most likely to experience sustained development. While Hopkins and Wallerstein 1986 introduced the value chain concept in order to advance the agenda of world-systems theory, the concept is no longer identified exclusively, or even primarily, with the authors’ research program. Gereffi and Korzeniewicz not only applied the concept to the footwear industry (Gereffi and Korzeniewicz 1990) but brought together a number of important case studies of different chains (Gereffi and Korzeniewicz 1994), and in so doing further refined the idea. Appelbaum and Christerson 1997 synthesized the concepts of commodity chains and ethnic networks in an effort to explain apparel sourcing patterns in the Pacific Rim. Bair and Gereffi 2001 synthesized the concepts of commodity chains and industrial districts in an effort to explain the growth of blue jeans production in northern Mexico. Appelbaum 2008 bridged the gap between commodity chain analysis and organizational analysis more generally. Schrank 2004 demonstrated the limits to development strategies premised upon upward movement within a single chain. Finally, Ciccantell and Smith 2009 addressed the limits to commodity chain analyses that bracket the origins of raw materials and called for efforts to “lengthen” commodity chains into the realm of extraction.

                                                                                                                                                      • Appelbaum, Richard. 2008. Giant transnational contractors in East Asia: Emergent trends in global supply chains. Competition and Change 12.1: 69–87.

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                                                                                                                                                        Appelbaum explores the growing size and importance of contract manufacturers in Asia and thereby begins to bridge the gap between the commodity chain framework and organizational analysis more generally.

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                                                                                                                                                        • Applebaum, Richard P., and Brad Christerson. 1997. Cheap labor strategies and export-oriented industrialization: Some lessons from the East Asia/Los Angeles apparel connection. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 21:202–217.

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                                                                                                                                                          Appelbaum and Christerson try to reconcile the simultaneous growth of apparel production in high-wage (Los Angeles) and low-wage (Asia) regions by examining the correlates of offshore production in a sample of Los Angeles garment firms and conclude that sourcing decisions are influenced not only by wages but also by considerations of quality, market access, and personal and (ethnic) community ties.

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                                                                                                                                                          • Bair, Jennifer, and Gary Gereffi. 2001. Local clusters in global chains: The causes and consequences of export dynamism in Torreón’s blue jeans industry. World Development 29.11: 1885–1903.

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                                                                                                                                                            Bair and Gereffi try to link the commodity chain framework to theories of regional economic development by documenting the growth of a massive blue jeans production cluster in northern Mexico.

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                                                                                                                                                            • Ciccantell, Paul, and David Smith. 2009. Rethinking global commodity chains integrating extraction, transport, and manufacturing. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 50.3–4: 361–384.

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                                                                                                                                                              Reviews existing studies of commodity chains; highlights their failure to deal with the raw materials that make up the components of manufactured goods; calls for a self-conscious effort to “lengthen” commodity chain analysis; and discusses the implications for research and theory.

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                                                                                                                                                              • Gereffi, Gary, and Miguel Korzeniewicz. 1990. Commodity chains and footwear exports in the semiperiphery. In Semiperipheral States in the World Economy. Edited by William Martin, 45–68. Westport, CT: Greenwood.

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                                                                                                                                                                Outstanding empirical application of the commodity chain concept; uses unit values of footwear to assess the extent of upgrading by different exporters, and pays particularly careful attention to the role of entry barriers in limiting access to the most desirable nodes.

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                                                                                                                                                                • Gereffi, Gary, and Miguel Korzeniewicz. 1994. Commodity chains and global capitalism. Westport, CT: Praeger.

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                                                                                                                                                                  Collection of papers that deploy the commodity chain concept; contributions on agriculture, apparel, and services are particularly welcome; the volume’s distinction between “buyer-driven” and “producer-driven” chains has been eclipsed of late but nonetheless remains thought-provoking.

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                                                                                                                                                                  • Hopkins, Terence, and Immanuel Wallerstein. 1986. Commodity chains in the world-economy prior to 1800. Review 10.1: 157–170.

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                                                                                                                                                                    The seminal work on global commodity chains introduces the concept and provides a brief discussion of commodity chains on the eve of the industrial era.

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                                                                                                                                                                    • Schrank, Andrew. 2004. Ready-to-wear development? Foreign investment, technology transfer, and learning by watching in the apparel trade. Social Forces 83.1: 123–156.

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                                                                                                                                                                      Schrank documents the diffusion of “full package” apparel production to manufacturers in the Dominican Republic; he finds that barriers to entry (and thus the returns) are lower than expected; and he concludes that developing countries are therefore better off moving out of, rather than upward in, low-value commodity chains.

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                                                                                                                                                                      Social Capital

                                                                                                                                                                      Sociologists invoke the term “social capital” to describe norms, networks, and relationships that facilitate purposive or productive activity. A growing body of sociological literature holds that individuals or communities that are imbued with social capital are particularly prone or conducive to development. Some have explored the relationship between social capital and development in specific industries, regions, and/or communities. For instance, Dore 1983 provides a seminal discussion of the seemingly non-economic sources of competitive advantage in Japan. Hamilton and Biggart 1988 provides a more comprehensive look at the social and organizational roots of competitive advantage in Asia more generally. Portes and Guarnizo 1991 offers a detailed case study of network-based entrepreneurship in the Dominican Republic. Bandelj 2002 and Schrank 2008 underscore the relationship between national (or ethnic) identity and investor behavior in Europe and Latin America, respectively. Others have endeavored to explain variation in the nature and types of relationships available to actors in different contexts and thereby to shed light on the origins of social capital. Thus, Portes and Sensenbrenner 1993 identifies four different types of social capital and associates each with a different sociological tradition (e.g., Marxist, Weberian, Durkheimian). Finally, Evans 1997 includes case studies of the “co-production” of goods and services by public and private actors imbued with social capital in a number of different developing countries, and Granovetter 1995 and Woolcock 1998 draw upon a wide array of secondary sources to illuminate the myriad relationships between social structure and entrepreneurial or investor behavior.

                                                                                                                                                                      • Bandelj, Nina. 2002. Embedded economies: Social relations as determinants of foreign direct investment in central and eastern Europe. Social Forces 81.20: 411–444.

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                                                                                                                                                                        Bandelj finds that migration and cultural ties between sending and receiving communities are powerful predictors of investment flows into post-Communist Europe.

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                                                                                                                                                                        • Dore, Ronald. 1983. Goodwill and the spirit of market capitalism. British Journal of Sociology 34.4: 459–482.

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                                                                                                                                                                          Dore examines decentralized production networks in Japan and finds that they are not only productive and profitable but rooted in “moralized trading relationships of mutual goodwill.”

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                                                                                                                                                                          • Evans, Peter. 1997. State-society synergy: Government and social capital in development. International and Area Studies 94. Berkeley: Univ. of California at Berkeley.

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                                                                                                                                                                            Collection of essays exploring the relationship between social capital and development in a number of different contexts.

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                                                                                                                                                                            • Granovetter, Mark. 1995. The economic sociology of firms and entrepreneurs. In The economic sociology of immigration: Essays on networks, ethnicity, and entrepreneurship. Edited by Alejandro Portes, 128–165. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

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                                                                                                                                                                              Brilliant exposition of the social underpinnings of entrepreneurship and development.

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                                                                                                                                                                              • Hamilton, Gary, and Nicole Woolsey Biggart. 1988. Market, culture, and authority: A comparative analysis of management and organization in the Far East. American Journal of Sociology 94 suppl.: S52–S94.

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                                                                                                                                                                                Hamilton and Biggart trace the network forms of industrial organization found in East Asia to the diverse legitimation strategies of Asian governments and their follow-on effects for state-business relationships.

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                                                                                                                                                                                • Portes, Alejandro, and Luis E. Guarnizo. 1991. Tropical capitalists: U.S.-bound immigration and small enterprise development in the Dominican Republic. In Migration, remittances, and small business development: Mexico and Caribbean Basin countries. Edited by Sergio Diaz-Briquets and Sidney Weintraub, 101–131. Boulder, CO: Westview.

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                                                                                                                                                                                  Compelling portrait of manufacturing, retail, and financial service firms founded by networks of return migrants in the Dominican Republic.

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                                                                                                                                                                                  • Portes, Alejandro, and Julia Sensenbrenner. 1993. Embeddedness and immigration: Notes on the social determinants of economic action. American Journal of Sociology 98.6: 1320–1350.

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                                                                                                                                                                                    Provides a framework for understanding different types of social capital and a discussion of their different origins.

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                                                                                                                                                                                    • Schrank, Andrew. 2008. Homeward bound? Interest, identity, and investor behavior in a Third World export platform. American Journal of Sociology 114.1: 1–34.

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                                                                                                                                                                                      Schrank compares the failure (exit) rates of foreign and domestically owned firms in an export-processing zone in the Dominican Republic, finds that the former are markedly higher than the latter, and traces the differences in part to the embeddedness of domestic investors in place-specific social and political networks.

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                                                                                                                                                                                      • Woolcock, Michael. 1998. Social capital and economic development: Toward a theoretical synthesis and policy framework. Theory and Society 27.2: 151–208.

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                                                                                                                                                                                        Woolcock discusses varying conceptions of social capital and their potential value in explaining developmental successes and failures over space and time.

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