Sociology S.M. Lipset
by
Mildred A. Schwartz
  • LAST MODIFIED: 30 September 2013
  • DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0114

Introduction

Seymour Martin Lipset was born in the Bronx, New York, in 1922 and died in 2006. His parents were working-class Russian Jewish immigrants who provided formative influences that, along with his undergraduate education at the City College of New York, would continue to shape his intellectual journey. During an exceptionally productive career he taught at the University of Toronto, Columbia, Berkeley, Harvard (where he was the George D. Markham Professor of Government and Sociology), Stanford (George S. G. Munro Professor of Political Science and Sociology), and George Mason (Hazel Professor of Public Policy) universities. He held the presidencies of the American Sociological Association, the American Political Science Association, the International Society of Political Psychology, and the World Association for Public Opinion Research. He was also the recipient of numerous awards. Lipset adapted and elaborated the historical and comparative perspectives and interests of Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl Marx, and Max Weber into a broad-ranging political sociology that would have a profound influence on sociology and political science worldwide. His encompassing concern was in the conditions for democracy and, within that framework, Lipset included the nature of socialism, trade unions, universities, social stratification, political parties, religion, public opinion, and sources of American exceptionalism. He produced hundreds of widely cited works, translated into multiple languages. Venues for his interests extended from the United States to Canada, Latin America, Japan, Europe, and beyond.

Reference Works

Lipset 1996 is the best source for evaluating the scope of his work and revealing what remained constant and what changed. Lipset 1993 presents his own outlook on events in the university during a period of turmoil and explains his move from Berkeley to Harvard. Merton 1992 recalls Lipset as a graduate student and the origin of his interests. Schwartz 1992 gives a brief career overview at the time he became president of the American Sociological Association. Velasco 2004 reviews and assesses the connections among Lipset’s life and work. The introduction in Marks and Diamond 1992 points to the broader implications of Lipset’s work on democracy. They list all of Lipset’s publications between 1947 and 1991 and Lipset 1996 covers the remainder of 1991 until 1996. Publications of all kinds up until 2002 are compiled in Books, Monographs, and Pamphlets by Seymour Martin Lipset. Lipset’s Website contains his 1996 memoir, memorial tributes, and a bibliography ending in 2002 that will be updated to 2005.

Political Sociology

Lipset’s Political Man (Lipset 1981), first published in 1960 and expanded and updated in 1981, defined the field of political sociology for decades by emphasizing the social bases of politics. By 1986 it was labeled a “citation classic” by the Social Sciences Citation Index. Subsequent collections of essays, Lipset 1970, Lipset 1979, and Lipset 1985, continued and expanded the themes of Political Man but none of those works assumed the same importance in defining political sociology. Kimmerling 1996, assessing the field, directly or indirectly takes issue with Lipset’s emphases. Orum 1996, in particular, while appreciative of Lipset’s contributions, sees him becoming relatively unimportant to more current concerns. In contrast, Janoski, et al. 2005 acknowledges the continuing relevance of Lipset’s work even in the context of a changing field. In demonstration, Manza and Brooks 1999 shows how social cleavages define US politics.

  • Janoski, Thomas, Robert R. Alford, Alexander M. Hicks, and Mildred A. Schwartz, eds. 2005. The handbook of political sociology: States, civil societies and globalization. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press.

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    The editors confirm the continuing importance of Lipset’s emphasis on social bases. Along with full coverage of recent trends in the field, many chapters reveal their debt to Lipset’s formulations.

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  • Kimmerling, Baruch, ed. 1996. Trend report on political sociology. Current Sociology 44.3 (December).

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    A collection of essays about trends in political sociology over a fifty-year span covering a number of countries that reveals great diversity in interests and concerns, many of which depart from those of Lipset.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1970. Revolution and counter-revolution: Change and persistence in social structures. Rev. ed. Garden City, NY: Anchor.

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    Originally published in 1968. Lipset considered this a follow-up to Political Man and The First New Nation. He acknowledges and refutes criticism from both the left and right about how he viewed society, particularly that of the United States. He saw this work as representing a shift from an emphasis on structural factors to historical ones.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1979. The first new nation: The United States in historical and comparative perspective. New York: Norton.

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    Originally published in 1963. Places core national values of individualism and achievement in the forefront for explaining how the United States developed and differed from other societies. The introduction, written after major social changes set in motion in the late 1960s, acknowledges how those values can have both positive and negative consequences.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1981. Political man: The social bases of politics. Expanded ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

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    Originally published in 1960. Foreign editions in Britain, France, Italy, Turkey, Germany, Argentina, Sweden, Japan, Brazil, Norway, India, Yugoslavia, Bangladesh, Lebanon, Israel, China, Poland, and Vietnam. A collection of essays, many previously published, that became the leading undergraduate text. Comparative, historical, electoral, and survey data are used to answer questions about the importance of social class, the role of ideology, and conditions making for democracy.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1985. Consensus and conflict: Essays in political sociology. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

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    Collected essays where Lipset disputes his characterization as part of the “consensus school” of sociology by noting the prominence of conflict and change in his writing. At the same time, he argues with the “conflict school” for its neglect of shared values that allow for social order.

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  • Manza, Jeff, and Clem Brooks. 1999. Social cleavages and political change: Voter alignments and U.S. party coalitions. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

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    Definitively demonstrates the continuing relevance of the social bases of politics in the United States.

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  • Orum, Anthony M. 1996. Almost a half century of political sociology: Trends in the United States. Current Sociology 44.3 (December): 132–151.

    DOI: 10.1177/001139296044003010Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Although appreciative of Lipset’s work in political sociology, Orum sees little contemporary relevance.

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Socialism

Lipset’s ideal was social democracy, rooted in the free participation of the working class and its ability to shape political decisions. It led Lipset 1974 to study the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) of Saskatchewan for his doctoral dissertation. Why, he asked, was Canada in the 1930s able to create and sustain a social democratic party, in contrast to the absence of a viable urban-based socialist or workers party in the United States? (see also Comparative Method and American Exceptionalism). Although Lipset 1974 does not refer to Sombart 1976, a classic statement of the problem, he does so in later writings. Schwartz 1991 reviews Lipset’s equation of socialism with farmers’ protest and Smith 2007 edits a volume of essays evaluating the continuing relevance, strengths, and weaknesses of the original work. Lipset continued his interest in socialism, particularly its absence in the United States, in a 1977 review (Lipset 1977), a volume edited with John Laslett (Laslett and Lipset 1984), and another coauthored with Gary Marks, It Didn’t Happen Here (Lipset and Marks 2000). Foner 1984 revisits the problem mainly through the work of American historians, although he also acknowledges Lipset’s contributions.

  • Foner, Eric. 1984. Why is there no socialism in the United States? History Workshop Journal 17.1: 57–80.

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    Lipset’s contributions are acknowledged but focus is on major American historians. Generally unsympathetic to attributions of American exceptionalism.

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  • Laslett, John, and S. M. Lipset, eds. 1984. Failure of a dream? Essays in the history of American socialism. Rev. ed. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

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    Originally published in 1974. Explanations are divided between those attributed to the internal difficulties of the social movement and those related to the nature of US society. Essays are followed by critiques and responses by authors. The original edition contained explanations from early participants in the movement, a debate between the editors, and an evaluation of the New Left.

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  • Lipset, S. M. 1974. Agrarian Socialism: The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in Saskatchewan: A Study in Political Sociology. Updated ed. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

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    Originally published in 1950. Conditions faced by farmers, their social organizations and ideals, and Saskatchewan’s place in the world economy all contributed to social democratic ideals and the making of a participatory party organization. In this updated edition, Lipset admits that he had assumed too much similarity with the Unites States and insufficient attention to cultural factors. Five chapters by others discuss recent developments in the party and its governing experience.

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  • Lipset, S. M. 1977. Why no socialism in the United States? In Sources of contemporary radicalism. Edited by Seweryn Bialer and Sophia Sluzar, 31–149. Boulder, CO: Westview.

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    Surveys the answers given by others from the 19th century on for the absence of socialism and sees common threads in attributing consequences to the unique social, economic, and political characteristics of the United States and the ways these weakened class consciousness.

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  • Lipset, S. M., and Gary Marks. 2000. It didn’t happen here: Why socialism failed in the United States. New York: Norton.

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    Evaluates the range of arguments made by others and concludes that values and the nature of class divisions have been most critical.

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  • Schwartz, Mildred A. 1991. Political protest in the western borderlands: Can farmers be socialists? In Borderlands: Essays in Canadian-American relations. Edited by Robert Lecker, 28–53. Toronto: Entertainment Culture Writing.

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    Critically evaluates Lipset’s equation of agrarian radicalism with socialism through an examination of farmer protest movements in five border areas.

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  • Smith, David, ed. 2007. Lipset’s agrarian socialism: A reexamination. Regina, SK: Saskatchewan Institute of Public Policy.

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    Politicians and academics consider the relevance of Agrarian Socialism for understanding the current situation of the New Democratic Party (NDP), a party reconstituted from the CCF and more oriented to urban workers, and to its position in Saskatchewan.

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  • Sombart, Werner. 1976. Why is there no socialism in the United States? Edited by C. T. Husbands and translated by Patricia M. Hocking. White Plains, NY: Sharpe.

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    Originally published in 1906 as Warum gibt es in den Vereinigten Staaten keinen Sozialismus? (Tubingen, Germany: Mohr). An early search for the sources of socialism’s weakness in the United States that Lipset would continue to reference.

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Trade Unions

Lipset viewed trade unions as the critical avenue for working-class political expression. He and colleagues (Lipset, et al. 1977) sought to explain how the International Typographical Workers Union remained democratic in contrast to the more frequent trajectory toward organizational oligarchy predicted in Michels 1999 (see also Democracy and Democratization). Lipset and Schneider 1981 trace public attitudes toward unions in the United States. Observing the decline in unionization in the United States with its increase in Canada, Lipset 1986, Lipset 1990, and Lipset and Meltz 2004 compare the two countries (see also Socialism and Canada–US Comparisons). Lipset’s emphasis on value differences (Lipset 1986) provokes Bowden 1989 to dispute Lipset empirically and theoretically, leading to further exchange (Lipset 1990, Bowden 1990) (see also Culture).

  • Bowden, Gary. 1989. Labour unions in the public mind: The Canadian case. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 26.5: 123–142.

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    Based on an analysis of public opinion data, argues that the level of Canadian approval of unions disproves Lipset’s thesis about value differences with the United States.

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  • Bowden, Gary. 1990. From sociology to theology: A reply to Lipset. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 27.4: 536–538.

    DOI: 10.1111/j.1755-618X.1990.tb00139.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Argues that, on both empirical and theoretical grounds, Lipset’s thesis does not hold up.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1986. North American labor movements: A comparative perspective. In Unions in transition: Entering the second century. Edited by Seymour Martin Lipset, 421–452. San Francisco: ICS.

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    Accounts for differences in union strength by differences in values with respect to individualism, reliance on merit, and orientation to the state. Appears to be an initial statement about the importance of value differences.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1990. Trade unionism in Canada and the United States: A reply to Bowden. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 27.4: 531–536.

    DOI: 10.1111/j.1755-618X.1990.tb00138.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Continues to argue that value differences are what counts.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Noah M. Meltz. 2004. The paradox of American unionism: Why Americans like unions more than Canadians do, but join much less. Ithaca, NY: ILR.

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    US values of individualism and laissez-faire economics, in contrast with Canadian ones of collectivism and greater state control, affect membership levels but greater power of Canadian unions make them more disliked.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and William Schneider. 1981. Organized labor and the public: A troubled union. Public Opinion 4 (August–September): 52–56.

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    As confidence in labor leaders declined, blame was placed on corruption and absence of democracy within unions.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, Martin Trow, and James S. Coleman. 1977. Union democracy. 2d ed. New York: Free Press.

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    Originally published in 1956. Uses the International Typographical Workers Union as a case refuting Michels’s iron law of bureaucracy. Argue that democracy remained viable within the union because cleavages were not tied to self-interest and leaders did not acquire a stake in their positions. That allowed legitimate channels of opposition to continue.

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  • Michels, Robert. 1999. Political parties: A sociological study of the oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy. Translated by Eden Paul and Cedar Paul and introduction by Seymour Martin Lipset. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

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    Originally published in 1911 by W. Klinkhardt as Zur sociologie des parteiwesens in der moderne democratie: Untersuchungen über die oligarchischen tendenzen der grupperleben. The English edition was translated from the Italian. From his observations of the pre–World War I German Social Democratic Party, Michels concluded that all organizations, no matter how democratic in intent, eventually became oligarchies. Originally published in 1962 (New York: Collier).

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Democracy and Democratization

The nature of democracy is at the core of Lipset’s political sociology, affirmed in Marks and Diamond 1992. Lipset 1959 and Lipset 1994 attributes the roots of democracy’s emergence and continuity to the level of economic development and political effectiveness. Lipset 1963 looked for differences in values as a factor in democratic performance but did not find sufficient variation among Anglo-American states to account for their different institutions. Lipset 1995 supported his overall argument in an edited encyclopedic compilation. Lipset and Lakin 2004 elaborates by tracing the effects of different colonial experiences. Acemoglu and Robinson 2012 provides support for the link between development and efficacy and Lankina and Getachew 2011 does so for the impact of British colonialism on India.

Political Parties

Lipset and Rokkan 1967, Lipset’s major contribution to the study of political parties, focuses on the sociological roots of party systems by adapting the theory in Parsons 1960 for classifying social system functions. Major cleavages are located on territorial-cultural and functional-economic dimensions and, depending on when the franchise is extended, have lasting impact on parties and party systems. This “freezing hypothesis” has been the subject of debate and testing, reviewed in Schwartz and Lawson 2005. Mair 2001 finds western European parties still frozen and Tóka and Gosselin 2010 accounts for this even with the decline of cleavages. Elections are the “democratic expression of the class struggle” through the relation between social cleavages and political parties, developed in Lipset 1981a. Lipset 1981b notes the changing shape of party coalitions in the United States as these became manifest after the 1978 election. In the recent move of states to democratize, Lipset 2000 found the connection between cleavages and parties often unclear, making it difficult for different interest positions to find a voice.

  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1981a. Political man: The social bases of politics. Exp. and updated ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

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    Originally published in 1960. Foreign editions in Britain, France, Italy, Turkey, Germany, Argentina, Sweden, Japan, Brazil, Norway, India, Yugoslavia, Bangladesh, Lebanon, Israel, China, Poland, and Vietnam. Examines voting behavior as it ties social cleavages to partisan preferences.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, ed. 1981b. Party coalitions in the 1980s. San Francisco: Institute for Contemporary Studies.

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    Originally published in 1978. Academics, journalists, and political practitioners examine changes in both parties evident, first in the aftermath of the 1978 election and then the 1980 Reagan victory, pointing to greater ideological distinction between them.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 2000. The indispensability of political parties. Journal of Democracy 11.1: 48–55.

    DOI: 10.1353/jod.2000.0016Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Connects earlier writing on social cleavages and parties with conditions following the breakup of the Soviet Union and the difficulties in establishing parties like those prominent in Western democracies. The positive effects of cleavage-based parties have not been superseded by the emergence of post-material issues.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Stein Rokkan. 1967. Cleavage structures, party systems, and voter alignments: An introduction. In Party systems and voter alignments: Cross-national perspectives. Edited by Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, 1–64. New York: Free Press.

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    Adapts Parsons’s theory to identify the critical dimensions of cleavages and their transformation into party systems. The time when representation is expanded, associated with struggles within cleavages, affects which ones will come to dominate. This has lasting consequences for a state’s subsequent political development and is the basis for arguing for the freezing of party systems.

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  • Mair, Peter. 2001. “The freezing hypothesis”: An evaluation. In Party systems and voter alignments revisited. Edited by Lauri Karvonen and Stein Kuhnle, 24–41. London: Routledge.

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    Western Europe remains frozen, based on cleavages, as a result of the momentum within parties and party systems to sustain existing patterns.

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  • Parsons, Talcott. 1960. Pattern variables revisited. American Sociological Review 25.4:467–483.

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    A revision of his basic schema for classifying the basic functions of any social system.

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  • Schwartz, Mildred A., and Kay Lawson. 2005. Political parties: Social bases, organization, and environment. In The handbook of political sociology: States, civil societies, and globalization. Edited by Thomas Janowski, Robert R. Alford, Alexander M. Hicks, and Mildred A. Schwartz, 266–286. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press.

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    Considers Lipset and Rokkan 1967 most influential in focusing on party origins and reviews continuing debate on their freezing hypothesis.

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  • Tóka, Gábor, and Tania Gosselin. 2010. Persistent political divides, electoral volatility and citizen involvement: The freezing hypothesis in the 2004 European elections. Western European Politics 33.3 (May): 609–634.

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    Based on data from the European Election Study, finds high and continuing involvement by voters tied to attitudinal and social characteristics, which the authors conclude encourages parties to persist in appealing to old cleavages, keeping the system frozen.

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Social Stratification

The stratification of society is one of the core concerns of sociology and Bendix and Lipset 1966 dominated the field for decades as it introduced students to the interrelation between class, status, and power relations. Later work, Lipset and Bendix 1991, focused on how social mobility was a continuing part of industrialization in all societies. His interests in socialism (Socialism) and trade unions (Trade Unions) are tied to Lipset 2001 and Clark and Lipset 1991 and Clark and Lipset 2001 concerns about political behavior, which they argue has declining links with class. That decline is questioned in varying degrees in Weakliem 2001; Manza, et al. 1995; and van der Waal, et al. 2007 on methodological and conceptual grounds.

  • Bendix, Reinhard, and Seymour Martin Lipset. 1966. Class, status and power: Social stratification in comparative perspective. 2d ed. New York: Free Press.

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    Originally published in 1953. Editions in Italy and Spain. A combination of original articles and reprints introducing students to the major theorists in the field and to research on the United States and other countries.

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  • Clark, Terry Nichols, and Seymour Martin Lipset. 1991. Are social classes dying? International Sociology 6.4 (December): 397–410.

    DOI: 10.1177/026858091006004002Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Argues that social class has declined cross-nationally as an explanation of political behavior in states where income and education have increased and manufacturing has been replaced by service and technology industries.

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  • Clark, Terry Nichols, and Seymour Martin Lipset, eds. 2001. The breakdown of class politics: A debate on post-industrial stratification. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

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    Conference papers generated by the debate over Clark and Lipset 1991.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 2001. The decline of class ideologies: The end of political exceptionalism? In The breakdown of class politics: A debate on post-industrial stratification. Edited by Terry Nichols Clark and Seymour Martin Lipset, 249–272. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

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    Traces move by many parties on the left to downplay appeals to class and appeal to gender, environment, and lifestyle issues, suggesting they are becoming more like US parties.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Reinhard Bendix. 1991. Social mobility in industrial society. Exp. ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

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    Originally published in 1959 by University of California Press. Editions in Britain, Argentina, Poland, Japan, and Italy. Empirical examination of social mobility in the United States and Western Europe concludes that mobility within and across generations persists as an inherent feature of industrialization.

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  • Manza, Jeff, Michael Hout, and Clem Brooks. 1995. Class voting in capitalist democracies since World War II: Dealignment, realignment, or trendless fluctuation? Annual Review of Sociology 21:137–162.

    DOI: 10.1146/annurev.so.21.080195.001033Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Reviews evidence on the declining significance of class voting in Western democracies and concludes that, although there is considerable fluctuation in the relevance of class, it still remains an important factor.

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  • van der Waal, Jeroen, Peter Achterberg, and Dick Houtman. 2007. Class is not dead—It has been buried alive: Class voting and cultural voting in postwar western societies (1956–1990). Politics and Society 35.3 (September): 403–426.

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    Analyzing data from fifteen industrial democracies from 1956 to 1990, argues that there is no decline in class voting. Rather, it has been obscured by cultural factors.

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  • Weakliem, David. 2001. Social class and voting: The case against decline. In The breakdown of class politics: A debate on post-industrial stratification. Edited by Terry Nichols Clark and Seymour Martin Lipset, 197–224. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

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    Assessment of trends, showing how they are affected by different models and measures of class.

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Canada–US Comparisons

For Lipset 1974, Lipset 1979, and Lipset 1990, understanding the United States was dependent on holding it up to comparison and the best comparative case was always Canada. As he came to place great emphasis on cultural differences between the two countries, he was challenged by Grabb, et al. 2000. Carroll 2005 gives an explanation for differences in the place given to values. Ogmundson and Fisher 1994 suggests that continuing debates between Lipset and his critics are the result of arguing from different premises. Nevitte 1996 provides the most complete picture of the controversy with reviews of the literature and new data. Thomas and Boyle 2008 avoids entering the debate but provides a dispassionate assessment of crucial differences.

  • Carroll, Michael P. 2005. Who owns democracy? Explaining the long-running debate over Canadian/American value differences. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 42.3: 267–282.

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    Attributes the debate over value differences to commitment to different ideological premises about the nature of democracy.

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  • Grabb, Edward, James Curtis, and Douglas Baer. 2000. Defining moments and recurring myths: Comparing and Canadians and Americans after the American revolution. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 37.4 (November): 373–420.

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    Argues that the formative experiences of both countries were more similar than Lipset allows.

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  • Lipset, S. M. 1974. Agrarian Socialism: The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in Saskatchewan a study in political sociology. Updated ed. Berkeley: Univ. of California.

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    Originally published in 1950. Saskatchewan was selected as the site for studying socialism because Lipset believed it was very similar to comparable areas in the United States and would enable him to isolate those features missing in the United States that kept it from forming a similar socialist party.

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  • Lipset, S. M. 1979. The first new nation: The United States in historical and comparative perspective. Exp. ed. New York: Norton.

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    Originally published in 1963. Editions in Britain, France, Colombia, and Japan. Although the focus is on American exceptionalism and the later introduction takes account of major social changes set in motion during the 1960s, the most frequently cited comparisons are with Canada.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1990. Continental divide: The values and institutions of the United States and Canada. New York: Routledge.

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    From their contrasting historical origins, the United States in revolution and Canada as the result of counter-revolution, the two countries developed and sustained differences in values and institutions.

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  • Nevitte, Neil. 1996. The decline of deference: Canadian value change in cross-national perspective. Peterborough, ON: Broadview.

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    Assesses Lipset’s contributions to the debate on Canada-US value differences, compares them to competing perspectives, and presents new data indicating parallel changes in both countries as well as in other Western democracies.

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  • Ogmundson, R., and Lee Fisher. 1994. A comment: Beyond Lipset and his critics: An initial reformulation. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 31.2 (May): 196–199.

    DOI: 10.1111/j.1755-618X.1994.tb01258.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Despite widespread criticism from Canadian scholars, Lipset’s argument about the sources of Canadian and US differences endure. Authors list references to most of the debates. Suggest opposing views may be tied to differential impact of elite and mass attitudes and the importance of historical versus contemporary conditions.

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  • Thomas, David, and Barbara Boyle Torrey, eds. 2008. Canada and the United States: Differences that count. 3d ed. Peterborough, ON: Broadview.

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    Nineteen chapters give a non-polemical assessment of differences between the two countries in key institutions, policies, demography, and culture.

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American Exceptionalism

Lipset 1970, Lipset 1979, and Lipset 1996 considered the United States an exception to many of the trends and developments in other modern industrial societies and argued that understanding how and why it continued to differ would best follow from the kind of comparative analysis (see also Comparative Method) that highlighted its attributes as a deviant case. It remained exceptional because of its origins in revolution and the values and institutions that grew from that experience. Foremost among those values and the institutions that sustain them are those leading to individualism, a trait that Tocqueville 2000 affirmed to be the defining characteristic of the United States. Along with the positive effects that flow from such individualism, particularly openness, creativity, and innovation, are also negative ones. The latter are reflected in a tendency to cast policy issues as ones of morality (Schwartz and Tatalovich 2009), the attraction to political extremism (Lipset and Raab 1978), and high rates of crime, violence, and family break-up. Lipset 1996 brought together the positive and negative qualities of exceptionalism through the image of a double-edged sword. Critics, exemplified by the historians H. V. Nelles and J. Victor Koschmann (Nelles 1997 and Koschmann 1997), were not mollified by what still appeared to be US triumphalism.

  • Koschmann, J. Victor. 1997. Review essay: The nationalism of cultural uniqueness. American Historical Review 102.3 (June): 758–768.

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    Criticizes Lipset 1996 both for using Japan as the external source of American decline and for adopting a perspective on US exceptionalism that resembles comparable and disputed theories of Japaneseness.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1970. Revolution and counter-revolution: Change and persistence in social structures. Rev. ed. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor.

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    Originally published in 1968. The formative impact of the American Revolution is highlighted through comparisons with Canada, Latin America, and Western Europe.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1979. The first new nation: The United States in historical and comparative perspective. New York: Norton.

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    Originally published in 1963. Initially focused on the positive effect of values of equality and achievement in the United States compared to other countries, particularly English-speaking democracies; the new introduction, written after the upheavals of the mid-1960s, points to the internal contradictions of these core values and how they contribute to conflict.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1996. American exceptionalism: A double-edged sword. New York: Norton.

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    Editions in Japan, Czech Republic, and China. Reaffirms position on US exceptionalism and its ties to the observations in Tocqueville 2000 by including its negative consequences. Along with some western European comparisons and special attention to differences with Canada in respect to socialism and trade unions, contrasts the United States with the uniqueness of Japan as it became an industrial giant.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Earl Raab. 1978. The politics of unreason: Right-wing extremism in America, 1790–1977. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

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    Stimulated by the anti-Communism associated with Senator Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s, the authors examine the history of right-wing extremism in the United States and find common dangers in too rapid social change and in rigid moralizing.

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  • Nelles, H. V. 1997. Review essay: American exceptionalism: A double-edged sword. American Historical Review 102.3 (June): 749–757.

    DOI: 10.2307/2171509Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Contrasts Lipset 1996 with interpretations by Canadian historians about differences between Canada and the United States.

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  • Schwartz, Mildred A., and Raymond Tatalovich. 2009. Cultural and institutional factors affecting political contention over moral issues. Comparative Sociology 8.1: 76–104.

    DOI: 10.1163/156913308X375559Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Contrasts in the culture and institutions shaping moral issues and the political outlets for their expression make for differences in contentiousness in the two countries.

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  • Tocqueville, Alexis de. 2000. Democracy in America. Translated, edited, and with an introduction by Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

    DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226924564.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Original title De la democratie en Amérique, published in two volumes, 1835 and 1840 (London: Saunders and Otley). An enduring portrayal of the United States, uniquely characterized by its history, population, government, and institutions.

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Extremism

Lipset 1985 presents a conception of democracy that puts a premium on the existence of conflict manifested in ways that preserve a larger social cohesion (see also Democracy and Democratization). Although Lipset and Raab 1978 found right-wing extremism a characteristic of the United States (see also American Exceptionalism), Lipset 1982 felt it could not resist progressive change. Rogin 1988, however, has a more pessimistic assessment of the strength of extremist movements in the United States. Part of the optimism of Lipset 1977 may be attributed to his view that there had been a decline in polarizing ideologies associated with class-based movements. Lipset 1981 had long recognized the right-wing extremism associated with the working class in many countries. In this he was challenged by Miller and Riesman 1961 but Lipset 1961 responded that his position was more nuanced than they admitted.

  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1961. “Working-class authoritarianism”: A reply to Miller and Riessman. British Journal of Sociology 12 (September): 277–281.

    DOI: 10.2307/587820Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Argues that critics, including others than those named in the title, have over-interpreted his claims about working-class authoritarianism as though they were a blanket, undifferentiated assessment reflecting political biases. Also defends use of personality measures.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1977. “The end of ideology” and the ideology of the intellectuals. In Culture and its creators: Essays in honor of Edward Shils. Edited by Joseph Ben David and Terry N. Clark, 15–42. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

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    The “end of ideology” was a concept framed in the 1950s to describe the decline of doctrinaire party positions associated with class in western European and Anglo-American states. It did not encompass the changes in ideology related to lifestyle issues that appeared in the late 1960s and 1970s or apply to students and intellectuals.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1981. Political man: The social bases of politics. Exp. and updated ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

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    Originally published in 1960. Foreign editions in Britain, France, Italy, Turkey, Germany, Argentina, Sweden, Japan, Brazil, Norway, India, Yugoslavia, Bangladesh, Lebanon, Israel, China, Poland, and Vietnam. Because of upbringing and limiting social relations that incline it to simplistic explanations, the lower class may be drawn to extremist movements. This is the basis of working-class authoritarianism. Extremist movements can also attract the resentful among the upper and middle classes.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1982. Failures of extremism. Society 20 (November–December): 48–58.

    DOI: 10.1007/BF02694991Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    An overview of extremist movements in the United States and Western Europe, particularly of the right, viewed as an effort to resist modern developments, especially the decline of traditional moral standards. Resistance is difficult, leading to expectations of declining extremism.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1985. Consensus and conflict: Essays in political sociology. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

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    The expression of divergent views is a necessary part of democratic functioning but so are institutions and understandings that allow for consensus on basic values.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Earl Raab. 1978. The politics of unreason: Right-wing extremism in America, 1790–1977. 2d ed. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

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    Foreign editions in Britain, Italy, and Mexico. A history of right-wing extremism in the United States that finds it a recurring phenomenon, tied to rapid social change and lifestyles that foster rigid moralizing.

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  • Miller, S. M., and Frank Riesman. 1961. “Working-class authoritarianism”: A critique of Lipset. British Journal of Sociology 12 (September): 263–276.

    DOI: 10.2307/587819Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Critiques Lipset for his conception of democracy and the data and methods used to ascertain authoritarianism among the working class.

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  • Rogin, Michael. 1988. Ronald Reagan: The movie and other episodes in political demonology. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press.

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    Compared to Lipset and Raab 1978, sees greater threat in the recurring fear of subversion that is a major element in the history of US politics.

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Universities and Their Discontents

Lipset spent his entire career in the university and defended its strengths and traditions, as seen in Lipset 1994. He served as an assistant professor at the University of California-Berkeley from 1948 to 1950, during a period when the state legislature imposed the signing of a loyalty oath by state employees, including faculty (see Blauner 2009). He returned as a professor in 1956 and left in 1966, after the Free Speech movement erupted in 1964 in response to a ban on campus political activity (see Cohen and Zelnik 2002). Both at Berkeley and Harvard he was participant, critic, and observer of the events around him, and Lipset 1993 recounts his experiences before moving on to an analysis of student unrest generally. Lipset and Wolin 1965 gives an analysis at the outset of events at Berkeley. As unrest spread to other campuses and other countries, Lipset and Altbach 1970 assembled data and analyses. Faculty, like students, are central to generating and spreading new ideas and new movements and their views and activities are explored in Lipset and Ladd 1975 and in Lipset and Riesman 1975.

  • Blauner, Bob. 2009. Resisting McCarthyism: To sign or not to sign California’s loyalty oath. Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press.

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    In 1949, the California legislature responded to the fear of Communism by passing legislation requiring all state employees, including university faculty, to sign a loyalty oath. An account of the events surrounding the law and its effects.

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  • Cohen, Robert, and Reginald E. Zelnik, eds. 2002. The free speech movement: Reflections on Berkeley in the 1960s. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.

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    Collection of scholarly articles and personal memoirs documenting the issues affecting the Free Speech movement and its impact on students and faculty.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1993. Rebellion in the university. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

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    Introduction gives Lipset’s experiences at Berkeley, his position on the unrest, and the timetable of his departure for Harvard. The text that follows views events from a historical perspective and considers diverse theories explaining student unrest generally.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1994. In defense of the research university. In The research university in a time of discontent. Edited by Jonathan R. Cole, Elinor G. Barber, and Stephen R. Graubard, 219–225. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

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    Despite its problems and discontents, the research university remains a model for its range of scholarly activities, especially through the emergence and free exchange of ideas that contribute to a democratic society.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Philip Altbach, eds. 1970. Students in revolt. Boston: Beacon.

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    Over sixty essays, statements, and reports give an impartial account of events and participants in student revolts around the world during the 1960s.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Everett Carll Ladd. 1975. The divided academy: Professor and politics. New York: McGraw-Hill.

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    Foreign edition in Japan. Survey of US faculty in 1969 indicated consistent left-right positions on both national and university issues. More left-leaning faculty were associated with higher-prestige research universities.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and David Riesman. 1975. Education and politics at Harvard. New York: McGraw-Hill.

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    Harvard was the scene of violent unrest in 1969 that was followed by the introduction of new programs and new authority given to students. But survey data point to the impact of a small minority of faculty who, although liberal on national issues, were opposed to moves they saw as undermining academic standards.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Sheldon Wolin. 1965. The Berkeley student revolt: Facts and interpretations. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.

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    A sociological observation of events as they unfolded.

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Religion

Lipset 1979 attributed a large share of American uniqueness to the absence of an established church and the prevalence of multiple, loosely organized Protestant sects (see also American Exceptionalism). In this, Lipset carries on from early observations made in Tocqueville 2000 and Weber 1958 (see also Oxford Bibliographies article Max Weber). Demerath 1998, while acknowledging some exceptionalism to the United States, finds it overstated. In contrast, Tiryakian 1993 supports Lipset in finding religious activism and vitality at the heart of American exceptionalism. Although not centered on the question of exceptionalism, Chavez 2011 supports Lipset in tracing the continuity of many religious trends and their relation to American tolerance. Lipset was especially interested in the ways that Jews had found a comfortable place in the United States, developed in Lipset and Raab 1995 and its concern with how the American experience shaped Jews and Judaism. In contrast, Jewish experiences in Canada, Lipset 1990, where there is more support for ethnic continuity, have more parallels with organized Jewish life in Europe.

  • Chavez, Mark. 2011. American religion: Contemporary trends. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.

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    Uses survey data to demonstrate continuities since the 1970s. Although there has been a decline in the membership of liberal Protestant denominations, their attitudes supportive of general tolerance have spread, another indicator in line with Lipset’s view of the positive contributions of religion to democracy in America.

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  • Demerath, N. J. 1998. Excepting exceptionalism: American religion in comparative relief. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 558 (July): 28–39.

    DOI: 10.1177/0002716298558001004Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Comparative research indicates that, while the distinctions following from a civic religion and church-state separation contribute to US religious exceptionalism, other differences are more in degree.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1979. The first new nation: The United States in historical and comparative perspective. New York: Norton.

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    Originally published in 1963. New introduction. Reviews historical evidence on the importance of religion in American society and the adaptations of Protestantism that made its values of personal responsibility and tolerance crossing denominational lines compatible with building and supporting democratic values.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1990. Continental divide: The values and institutions of the United States and Canada. New York: Routledge.

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    Jews in Canada and the United States are contrasted with respect to organization and degree of assimilation. Differences are attributed to different policies and values with respect to ethnic continuity.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Earl Raab. 1995. Jews and the new American scene. Cambridge, UK: Harvard Univ. Press.

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    Explores the dilemmas of Jews in the United States, as both a religious and ethnic group, experiencing extraordinary achievements and facing hazards to their continuity.

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  • Tiryakian, Edward A. 1993. American religious exceptionalism: A reconsideration. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 558 (July): 40–54.

    DOI: 10.1177/0002716293527001004Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Historical overview of the prominent role played by religion in the United States, including the ways that Catholics and Jews have flourished despite experiences of discrimination.

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  • Tocqueville, Alexis de. 2000. Democracy in America. Translated and edited by Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

    DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226924564.001.0001Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Original title De la democratie en Amérique, published in two volumes in 1835 and 1840 (London: Saunders and Otley). Arriving in America at the time of the Second Great Awakening, Tocqueville was impressed with the prominence of religion, the number of sects, and the emphasis on morality. Religious authority was affected by democracy and democratic government also benefitted from religion.

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  • Weber, Max. 1958. The Protestant sects and the spirit of capitalism. In From Max Weber: Essays in sociology. Edited by H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, 302–322. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

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    Impressed with how Protestant sects in America downplayed doctrine but emphasized codes of conduct and judgment of peers that diffused a bourgeois ethic broadly sustaining of capitalism and democracy.

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Public Opinion

The free expression of public opinion is essential to democracy, a thesis that Lipset explored in multiple ways. Democracy itself is sustained through the spread of democratic values (Lipset 1959). Among the ways those values can be discerned is through responses to survey questions, presented in Lipset 1990 and Lipset 1996. Comparative research in Welzel and Inglehart 2005 supports Lipset through the measurement of values in the World Values Survey. Inglehart and Baker 2000 also supports Lipset 1996 on the persistence of values over time. Public opinion is a way to ascertain the legitimacy accorded government and other institutions, according to Lipset and Schneider 1987. Surveys of the public have an effect on government policies as Lipset, et al. 1998 shows in the case of Mexican elections.

Uses of History

History, along with comparison, is central to Lipset’s approach to explaining social phenomena (see also Comparative Method) (see also the article Comparative Historical Sociology). Examples of his work can be classified according to Skocpol 1984, a three-part division of research strategies, either separately or in combination. The search for causal connections is exemplified in Lipset 1970; application of a theoretical model is found in Lipset and Rokkan 1967; and the search for meaningful historical interpretations is prominent in Lipset 1979 and Lipset 1996. Lipset, in Hofstadter and Lipset 1968, argues for the importance of history to sociology and invites historians to benefit from sociology, an invitation rebuffed by historians in Abrams 1971 and Rothman 1971.

  • Abrams, Philip. 1971. Sociology and history. Past and Present 52 (August): 118–125.

    DOI: 10.1093/past/52.1.118Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Rejects Hofstadter and Lipset 1968 because he sees no fundamental difference between sociology and history in subject matter or methods.

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  • Hofstadter, Richard, and Seymour Martin Lipset, eds. 1968. Sociology and history: Methods. New York: Basic Books.

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    Two original articles by the editors introduce fourteen previously published ones illustrating the beneficial interaction between the two disciplines. Lipset argues for the importance to sociologists of paying attention to history in order to avoid erroneous assumptions. He also urges historians to rely on sociological concepts and methods.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1970. Revolution and counter-revolution: Change and persistence in social structures. Rev. ed. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor.

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    One of the places where Lipset emphasizes how founding experiences, in this case the American Revolution, lead to the formation of enduring structures and values.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1979. The first new nation: The United States in historical and comparative perspective. New York: Norton.

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    Originally published in 1963. An interpretation of contemporary America based on the enduring effects of its formative experiences, including the tensions from coexisting but incompatible values. New introduction.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1996. American exceptionalism: A double-edged sword. New York: Norton.

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    Editions in Japan, Czech Republic, and China. Interprets the United States, beginning with its historical origins, as a case study of exceptionalism in contrast to other countries.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Stein Rokkan. 1967. Cleavage structures, party systems, and voter alignments: An introduction. In Party systems and voter alignments: Cross-national perspectives. Edited by Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, 1–64. New York: Free Press.

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    By adapting Talcott Parsons’s theory on the general relevance of the pattern variables into a theoretical model for explaining the nature of party systems, Lipset and Rokkan are able to demonstrate how the timing of contention, for example, between urban and rural interests, became linked with formation of political parties, producing lasting effects on the party system.

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  • Rothman, David J. 1971. Sociology and history. Past and Present 52.1 (August): 126–134.

    DOI: 10.1093/past/52.1.126Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Basically unimpressed with the results presented in Hofstadter and Lipset 1968 on the value of cross-disciplinary work.

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  • Skocpol, Theda. 1984. Emerging agendas and recurrent strategies in historical sociology. In Vision and method in historical sociology. Edited by Theda Skocpol, 356–391. New York: Cambridge Univ. Press.

    DOI: 10.1017/CBO9780511621567.012Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Skocpol welcomed renewed interest in history by sociologists and presents three research strategies sociologists may follow. Although she does not explicitly analyze any of Lipset’s work, it is clear that he has used all three strategies along with a combination of them.

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Comparative Method

Although history and comparison go hand in hand in contemporary sociology (see also Oxford Bibliographies article Comparative Historical Sociology), as they did for Lipset (see also Uses of History), comparison also had unique qualities for him. It was shown in Lipset 1970 that only through comparison does a full understanding of a single society or organization emerge and only through comparison can one establish causal connections. He frequently approached comparison through a deviant case analysis—a single case that did not conform to expectations. It remains a method appreciated in diverse fields, represented in Lijphard 1971 and Sullivan 2011, for its links with theory-building. In what may be his most influential example, Lipset, et al. 1977 compared a trade union to a theoretical model that predicted contrary outcomes (see also Trade Unions). A deviant case could also be compared to more general expectations of how an array of social conditions lead to path dependence, as Lipset 1977 (cited under Socialism) did in explaining the absence of socialism in the United States. Causal connections could be explicated through detailed comparison with a second case, one with enough similarities to allow isolating those variations that could account for different outcomes. This was the basis for many of his comparisons with Canada, as in Lipset 1990 (cited under Canada–US Comparisons). Most of all, deviant case analysis was epitomized by the focus on American exceptionalism, as in Lipset 1970, Lipset 1979, and Lipset 1996 (see also American Exceptionalism). Comparison could more systematically examine a large number of societies on some common dimensions, like the degree of democracy (Lipset 1959). In a still different approach, comparison could be done by assembling single cases into one framework, as Lipset and his colleagues did in examining the progress of democracy, for example, Diamond, et al. 1989.

  • Diamond, Larry, Juan Linz, and Seymour Martin Lipset, eds. 1989. Democracy in developing countries: Latin America. Vol. 4. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.

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    Country by country appraisals of social, economic, and political conditions and history follow the editors’ framework for assessing the extent and stability of democracy.

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  • Lijphard, Arend. 1971. Comparative politics and the comparative method. American Political Science Review 65.3 (September): 682–693.

    DOI: 10.2307/1955513Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    Assesses different approaches to comparative research in political science and although, in general, he considers the use of a small number of case studies to be an instance of too few cases and too many variables, he finds special merit in deviant cases because of the way they can enrich theory.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1959. Some social requisites of democracy: Economic development and political legitimacy. American Political Science Review 53.1 (March): 69–105.

    DOI: 10.2307/1951731Save Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    An assessment of the conditions supporting democracy, emphasizing economic development and historically based factors affecting the performance of the political system and the legitimacy that is bestowed by its citizens.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1970. Revolution and counter-revolution: Change and persistence in social structures. Rev. ed. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor.

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    Originally published in 1968. A range of essays in which the United States is the focal case for comparison with other countries with respect to origins, religion, and social stratification.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1979. The first new nation: The United States in historical and comparative perspective. New York: Norton.

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    Originally published in 1963. Through comparison, shows why and how the United States remains different from other Anglo-American and western European countries. In a concluding note, Lipset says his findings are meant to be illuminating, not proof. New introduction.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1996. American exceptionalism: A double-edged Sword. New York: Norton.

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    The uniqueness of the United States in values and institutions emerges when it is contrasted with other countries.

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  • Lipset, Seymour Martin, Martin Trow, and James S. Coleman. 1977. Union democracy. 2d ed. New York: Free Press.

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    Originally published in 1956. The selection of the International Typographical Workers Union as an exception to predictions of declining organizational democracy remains a powerful example of deviant case analysis.

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  • Sullivan, Christopher J. 2011. The utility of the deviant case in the development of criminological theory. Criminology 49.3 (August): 905–920.

    DOI: 10.1111/j.1745-9125.2011.00236.xSave Citation »Export Citation »E-mail Citation »

    An illustration of how the examination of a deviant case stimulates new currents in theory.

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Culture

Lipset 1990a argued that, along with earlier concerns with social structure, he had long given culture a primary causal role. Lipset 1970 first presented culture as a group’s fundamental values or ethos, which he constructed from an adaptation of Parsons’s pattern variables (Parsons 1960, cited under Political Parties, for the original formulation). Lipset 1990b then based culture on Geertz 1973 and its definition of symbolic forms of meaning transmitted over time. That meaning is found in a relatively consistent and enduring national American ideology that contributes to American exceptionalism, as argued in Lipset 1996 (see also American Exceptionalism). Smith 1997 sees less consistency and greater scope for undemocratic values while Manza 1996 questions Lipset’s explanation of exceptionalism based on values. One way Lipset 1996 measures culture is through the values expressed in public opinion surveys. But as reviewed in Jasper 2005, the contemporary cultural turn in sociology does not look with favor at conceptualizations based on individual attitudes. Lipset 1990b also found culture visible through the themes expressed in popular literature and in the outcomes of institutions like the courts and religion.

Public Intellectual

The questions that underlie the scholarly writing in Lipset 1996 had their origin in his early political experiences and the two remained intertwined throughout his life. Scholarly writing stayed in a sociological tradition of independently verifiable empirical research. At the same time, he aimed at a broader audience, recognized in his TV appearances, as shown in Gergen 1996, Wattenberg 2007a, Wattenberg 2007b, and Wattenberg 1996. His political views changed from Marxism-Leninism-Trotskyism to the position of centrist Democrat, contributing to his derogatory assessment as a neo-conservative in Romalis 1972, a label that Lipset 1972 and Lipset 1996 would deny. But the friendships forged with then like-minded students at City College continued and the rightward move of friends like Irving Kristol, Nathan Glazer, Philip Selznick, and Gertrude Himmelfarb did affect how Lipset was viewed. The mature Lipset was not a radical ideologist and he continued to offer nuanced political views to the public. See also the “In Memorium" page on the Seymour Martin Lipset Website.

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